The period of this proposed study (1999-2004) is seeing the most far-reaching constitutional change in these islands in almost 300 years. The establishment of a parliament in Scotland, and assemblies in Wales and Northern Ireland, the development of a British-Irish Council to include the Irish Republic, together with plans for an elected authority for London, are likely to be the beginning rather than the end of decentralisation and new territorial relationships in these islands. The constitutional changes within the UK and these islands generally are taking place at a time of greater European integration, most obviously in terms of monetary union, changes highlighting debates about who we are, and who we should become in terms of territorial political identities.

Rather than being driven by lawyers, constitutional theorists, or even by politicians, the process of internal constitutional and political change in the UK has been motivated and energised, especially in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, by people's identities, their sense of who they are, how they relate to others, and how this sense of self and other is reflected in their systems of governance. As the process has gathered momentum, it has attracted other significant players - political parties, the media, business and other interest groups - but these entities exploit the dynamic; they did not and do not generate it. In order to understand its generation and, therefore, its political forcefulness, we have to focus on issues of identity, and on the cultural and social circumstances in which they are embedded. Identity is the vital link between structure and action, shaping the decisions made about political and constitutional change. Such decisions depend on what is seen by individuals, collectivities and institutions as being in their interests and this judgement is mediated by the ways in which identity is defined. We are studying identity, therefore, not only in order to ground more firmly in social science the dynamics underlying the social transitions which flow from devolution but to improve our understanding of pressing practical issues.

Our project offers an original conceptual approach to the question of how constitutional change is impacting on the entire fabric of social life in both Scotland and England. The future direction and outcome of constitutional change is not determined and cannot be predicted.

• If national identity (or its political expression) intensifies, will this fuel the drive for further devolution (as the collapse of empire stimulated the demand for further decolonisation), possibly for independence, or will it strengthen commitment to devolution within the Union?

• Is the shape of politics changing north and south of the border?
  

• Will the changes affect the flow of labour and of capital in and out of the two nations?

• Will racism and discrimination, both between Scots and English and also for ethnic minorities, be amplified or reduced?

The project is original in two other respects. In analysing identity, it is plain that it is, at once, a political, sociological and psychological phenomenon. Usually, however, these levels of analysis are kept separate leading to a situation in which one aspect of the phenomena and one way of studying the phenomenon tends to be stressed to the exclusion of others. This project, however represents a rare if not unique disciplinary mix. Because we are concerned with the way in which identity provides the articulation of different levels of our social world, from the nation state to the individual, we have assembled an interdisciplinary group of researchers concerned with all the different facets of social action: sociologists, political scientists, social anthropologists and psychologists. Secondly, the work brings together a variety of methods which are suitable for studying identity and action in its different facets. These include surveys, in depth interviews, ethnography and experimentation. It is through the combination of research perspectives and the triangulation of methods that we can provide a uniquely fertile approach to the study of devolution and change. The methods will be described in full after we have outlined the substantive programme.

The early experience of a Scottish parliament, and assemblies in Wales and Northern Ireland, will not only help to redefine and inform what it means to be Scottish, Welsh or Northern Irish, but is likely to have an impact on England and what it means to be English. Similarly, the meaning of Britishness is likely to alter. In turn, the meaning of these changes will affect and be affected by the changing institutional arrangements in the territories of the United Kingdom. At the present time, we know relatively little about cultural and political identities in these islands, that is, the relationship between state (British), national (English, Scottish, Welsh and (Northern) Irish), as well as regional (sub-national) identities. Some evidence suggests that most English people make little distinction between state (British) and national (English) identity; that they do not have clear or unambiguous ideas as to what national identities are, and that they may have a strong normative ethos against such definitions. On the other hand, we suspect that for non-English peoples in the UK, the distinction between state and national identities is more clear-cut, and that nationality is becoming more salient.

We might hypothesise, then, that the Scots (and Welsh) make the distinction between national and state identity, so that recovering or establishing a parliament or assembly is a question of giving expression to national identity, whereas for the English, 'devolution' is exactly that - a matter of decentralising power rather than renegotiating political identities. If people in Scotland and Wales see national and state identities as complementary rather than competing, then there is likely to be little threat to the Union. Put starkly, there are two hypothetical positions to explore:

• that devolution will lead to the greater assertion of national (i.e. sub-state) identity over state identity, resulting in the decline of Britishness, and ultimately the eventual break-up of Britain;

  or

• that devolution will lead to the assertion of national identity, but within the context of a complementary British state identity, thereby strengthening the Union.

Our focus on national identity is of obvious analytical and methodological value. National identity is not an epiphenomenon that is only of interest in its own right. It defines who we are, how we want to live and how we relate to others. It affects fundamental political, civic and economic issues such as the legitimacy of official policies, social inclusion and exclusion, prejudice, and the mobility of capital as well as labour. We see identity as helping to organise social action in all its manifestations. Thus, the content of identity (what it means to be for instance Scottish or English) affects the types of action seen as legitimate or illegitimate, the types of policies and projects that are endorsed or rejected, and the types of goals that are pursued. The boundaries of identity (who is seen as Scottish or English) will affect who is accepted as part of the community and who is rejected as 'other'. The salience of identity (how one sees the importance of the division between Scotland and England) will affect where one feels as home and where is seen as foreign.

The programme of work envisaged here rejects the conventional assumption that identities are relatively fixed and unproblematic. While for most people in their day-to-day lives, identities - including national identities - are taken-for-granted to enable them to function in normal interactions, research shows that identities should be treated as claims which are made, contested and negotiated in particular contexts. The nature of identities is most likely to be contested at moments of uncertainty and social change. Constitutional change is a key critical context in which the nature of the claims and the way they are negotiated are likely to change. This five year programme provides a unique research opportunity.

Home | Contact | Edinburgh University Homepage

Nations and Regions research programme
The Institute of Governance
The University of Edinburgh,
Chisholm House, High School Yards,
EDINBURGH EH1 1LZ, Scotland
Tel: (+44) (0) 131 650 8093

email: Nations and Regions research programme

email: The Institute of Governance

Last modified: 16 May 2002
Pages updated by Louise Tait

Unless explicitly stated otherwise, all material is copyright ©The University of Edinburgh