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The Size of the Scottish Parliament:
A Response to the Scotland Office's Consultation Document

by the 129 Reflection Group

(8 February 2002)

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A CONSENSUAL APPROACH

1. Following the publication of the consultation paper by the Scotland Office on the size of the Scottish Parliament, the Centre for Scottish Public Policy convened a meeting bringing together a group of interested individuals and organisations to seek a consensus view on this important issue. Membership of the Group was drawn from a wide range of Scottish civic society and included members and representatives of:

Centre for Scottish Public Policy (CSPP)
Institute of Governance, University of Edinburgh
Scottish Trades Union Congress (STUC)
Scottish Civic Forum
Scottish Council for Voluntary Organisations (SCVO)
Action of Churches Together in Scotland (ACTS)
UNISON
Educational Institute of Scotland (EIS)
Scottish Council for Development and Industry (SCDI)
individual members of the Consultative Steering Group (CSG)

The Group met under the convenership of Neil McIntosh, head of the recent Commission on the relationship between Local Government and the Parliament in Scotland.

2. The Group welcomes the consultation and the opportunity to comment on this important issue. We support the sentiments expressed in the consultation document, and note the government's intention to press ahead with the reduction in the number of Scottish Westminster MPs. We endorse the position expressed in the document that the electoral system of the Scottish Parliament should not be altered at this time. Our comments below reflect the sentiments of the consultation paper and reflect also unanimity among the Group as to our response.

A Young Parliament

3. The Scottish Parliament is a young institution. It was established less than three years ago as the product of an overwhelming constitutional consensus among the people of Scotland that a devolved legislature was needed. That consensus found political expression in a 74% vote in favour of establishing the Parliament in the 1997 Referendum.

4. The establishment of the Parliament arose from a broad consensus of view that a democratic deficit existed in Scotland. The original proposals of the Scottish Constitutional Convention sought to address that deficit and were again based on a broad consensus across Scottish civic society. That spirit was carried into the key guidance for the Parliament developed in the Consultative Steering Group Report, and the final current size, electoral basis and operation of the Parliament arose from that spirit of consensus and reflect those principles.

A Framework of Principles

5. The CSG Report of 1998 outlined a framework of principles that have guided the establishment and early years of the Parliament. The Report was widely endorsed, and supported by all political parties in Scotland. The CSG principles are power sharing, accountability, access to and participation in the Parliament by civic society and a commitment to equal opportunities. These principles should continue to be applied in the future work of the Parliament and be central to consideration of the question of the size and operation of the Parliament.

6. Experience of the operation of the Parliament so far has been that Parliamentary structures and individual MSPs are fully employed and busy. The Parliament recognised the need to monitor and review its procedures and arrangements, and to act to improve these when necessary. This has already seen changes to the make up and structure of committees to ensure better scrutiny and more effective use of time for MSPs. The Procedures Committee of the Parliament is presently engaged in a major review of its operation, and early findings in this review indicate that it would be difficult to operate with fewer MSPs and that there is little support for change at this point in time.

7. The Parliament should continue to monitor and review its operation and be prepared for change, but such a process must be based on the considered experience of its work. The relationship between Holyrood and Westminster will develop naturally over the years, and must reflect the needs of both legislatures rather than be based on a formulaic approach. Certainly, change should not be forced upon the Scottish Parliament through the mechanical application of a formula, and driven by changes in another legislature. At this stage in its development the Parliament needs a stable environment in which to grow.

 

APPLYING CONSENSUS AND PRINCIPLE

8. The history of the establishment of the Scottish Parliament shows the important and distinctive role of consensus across a broad range of Scottish civic and political life and the development of important guiding principles supported by that consensus. These principles, which we have outlined above, should continue to guide the work of the Parliament. When we apply them to the questions before us, it is clear that the current size and electoral basis of the Parliament should not be reduced or changed at this time. We offer the following reasons in support of this view.

9. First among these reasons is proportionality and a commitment that the political balance of the Parliament should broadly reflect the votes cast by the people of Scotland in electing that Parliament. This is intrinsically linked to the sharing of power between layers of governance in Scotland. This reassurance that their vote matters is a fundamental strength for the Parliament and is essential to the process of building confidence in the legislature among the electorate.

10. A second reason is the need to ensure that the Parliament reflects the whole population of Scotland in all its diversity. From the outset, the size and make up of the Parliament were designed to reflect the varied geography and demography of Scotland, to offer opportunities for our rich ethnic base and, in particular, to maximise the participation of women in the Parliament. Scotland's legislature has been praised internationally for its early commitment to family friendly working practices and for the high number of women MSPs - at 37% among the top five in the world. We need to build on this success. It is a source of confidence and strength for the Parliament among its electorate and a reassurance that the Parliament speaks for them.

11. A third area of importance is that the Parliament is accessible and accountable to the people and transparent in its operation. Its powerful committee structure and impressive number of cross-party groups emphasise the involvement of civic society in its work, offering and facilitating contact and dialogue between the legislature and the people it represents. Much Parliamentary time is devoted to this process, and the Parliament has already changed its committee structure to ensure that MSPs have the ability to participate fully in this important scrutinising and legislative role of the committees. It is again a feature that reassures the electorate that the Parliament is working for their interest.

 

PROBLEMS OF REDUCING THE SIZE OF THE PARLIAMENT

Working with Fewer MSPs

12. If the terms of the Scotland Act were applied, the number of MSPs would automatically be reduced, following the reduction in the number of Scottish Westminster MPs. A reduction in the size of the Scottish Parliament would fundamentally undermine the principles on which it was established and has been operating. It would undermine the committee structure and other accessibility mechanisms of the Parliament. It would undermine the ability to promote the adoption of women candidates and would introduce working time pressures that would in turn act to reverse the family friendly operation of the Parliament that encourages wider participation. A smaller number could also have an adverse effect on the representation and participation of regional diversity, and make representation of ethnic minorities more difficult.

13. A smaller Parliament would mean less MSP time available to carry out the busy schedule currently undertaken by MSPs. Less available time would undermine current commitments to extended consultation, to decentralising the operation of Parliament and to encouraging proper working hours. The result of these pressures could be changes in the electoral procedures or practice that would in turn put at risk the ability of proportionality to operate.

14. The ongoing review of the operation of the Parliament being conducted by the Procedures Committee has indicated that many of the functions currently carried out by the Parliament would be extremely difficult to achieve with fewer MSPs. Moreover, there is strong evidence from that review that there is no consensus for fundamental change to the Parliament at this early stage in its existence. A major change at this early stage of the Parliament's life could be destabilising at a time when the new institution is still evolving.

Coterminous Boundaries of Constituencies

15. If the Scotland Act as it currently stands was not applied, a situation would arise where the boundaries of electoral constituencies for the Scottish Parliament were not coterminous with those for Westminster elections. We do not see this as a fundamental problem.

16. Scotland has a politically aware electorate. This electorate has long accepted that constituencies vary with the character of elections. At the present moment, an elector is faced with a different size of constituency for local authority elections, Westminster elections, Scottish Parliament list elections and European elections. This has become an accepted fact of political life. The electorate has shown a sophisticated understanding of these differences, creating varying voting patterns in order to achieve a variety of political outcomes. Changes in the size of the Westminster constituencies will change this landscape once again, but there is no evidence to suggest that this will have an adverse effect on the electorate.

17. Crude application of the Scotland Act as it stands might address the issue of non-coterminous boundaries. However, it would do so at the expense of the fundamental principles and practices which have come to characterise the Scottish Parliament, at a stage in its existence where the Parliament itself has had little opportunity to review its operation and arrangements.

18. In addition, there is considerable evidence from elsewhere that non-coterminous constituencies are not a problem. The consultation document itself states that "in England ..... there is in practice less coterminosity between Westminster and local government boundaries". Similarly, in Germany, one of the most developed devolved governments in Europe, the Bundestag and Landtag constituencies diverge considerably in many Länder - for example, in Baden-Württemberg and in Bavaria. If we look further afield, Newfoundland and Labrador in Canada is divided into 7 federal ridings in order to elect 7 representatives to the 301-strong Canadian Parliament, but split into 48 provincial ridings for the election of the provincial parliament. A similar situation exists in the other Canadian Provinces.

 

CONCLUSION

19. We believe that the Scotland Act should be amended to allow the proposed reduction in the number of Scottish MPs at Westminster to go ahead, while at the same time maintaining the size and basis of representation at Holyrood.

20. Review and change are inevitable, but should come through the considered experience of the Scottish Parliament, not the application of a mechanical rule so early in the life of the Parliament.

21. We have sought in this submission to present both the practical reasons and the fundamental principles which support our view that the Scottish Parliament must continue at its current size, retain its current proportional system of representation and continue to adopt accessible and family friendly procedures in its operation. This is a view which is unanimous in our Group and, we believe, commands considerable support across Scotland.


8 February 2002

 

(Published Online: 12 February 2002)

 

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